Text of
the Nobel Lecture delivered by Chief Albert Lutuli in the Oslo University, on
December 11, 1961
In years gone by, some of
the greatest men of our century have stood here to receive this Award, men
whose names and deeds have enriched the pages of human history, men whom future
generations will regard as having shaped the world of our time. No one could be
left unmoved at being plucked from the village of Groutville, a name many of
you have never heard before and which does not even feature on many maps -
plucked from banishment in a rural backwater, lifted out of the narrow confines
of South Africa's internal politics and placed here in the shadow of these
great figures. It is a great honour to me to stand on this rostrum where many
of the great men of our times have stood.
The Nobel Peace Award that
has brought me here has for me a threefold significance. On the one hand it is
a tribute to my humble contribution to efforts by democrats on both sides of
the colour line to find a peaceful solution to the race problem. This
contribution is not in any way unique. I did not initiate the struggle to
extend the area of human freedom in South Africa, other African patriots -
devoted men - did so before me! I also, as a Christian and patriot, could not
look on while systematic attempts were made, almost in every department of
life, to debase the God-factor in Man or to set a limit beyond which the human
being in his black form might not strive to serve his Creator to the best of
his ability. To remain neutral in a situation where the laws of the land
virtually criticised God for having created men of colour was the sort of thing
I could not, as a Christian, tolerate.
On the other hand the Award
is a democratic declaration of solidarity with those who fight to widen the
area of liberty in my part of the world. As such, it is the sort of gesture
which gives me and millions who think as I do, tremendous encouragement. There
are still people in the world today who regard South Africa's race problem as a
simple clash between Black and White. Our government has carefully projected
this image of the problem before the eyes of the world. This has had two
effects. It has confused the real issues at stake in the race crisis. It has
given some form of force to the government's contention that the race problem
is a domestic matter for South Africa. This, in turn, has tended to narrow down
the area over which our case could be better understood in the world.
From yet
another angle, it is a welcome recognition of the role played by the African
people during the last fifty years to establish, peacefully, a society in which
merit and not race, would fix the position of the individual in the life of the
nation.
This Award could not be for
me alone, nor for just South Africa, but for Africa as a whole. Africa
presently is most deeply torn with strife and most bitterly stricken with
racial conflict. How strange then it is that a man of Africa should be here to
receive an Award given for service to the cause of peace and brotherhood
between men. There has been little peace in Africa in our time. From the
northernmost end of our continent, where war has raged for seven years, to the
centre and to the south there are battles being fought out, some with arms,
some without. In my own country, in the year 1960 for which this Award is
given, there was a state of emergency for many months. At Sharpeville, a small
village, in a single afternoon 69 people were shot dead and 180 wounded by
small arms fire; and in parts like the Transkei, a state of emergency is still
continuing. Ours is a continent in revolution against oppression. And peace and
revolution make uneasy bedfellows. There can be no peace until the forces of
oppression are overthrown.
Our continent has been
carved up by the great powers; alien governments have been forced upon the
African people by military conquest and by economic domination; strivings for
nationhood and national dignity have been beaten down by force; traditional
economics and ancient customs have been disrupted, and human skills and energy
have been harnessed for the advantage of our conquerors. In these times there
has been no peace; there could be no brotherhood between men.
But now, the revolutionary
stirrings of our continent are setting the past aside. Our people everywhere
from north to south of the continent are reclaiming their land, their right to
participate in government, their dignity as men, their nationhood. Thus, in the
turmoil of revolution, the basis for peace and brotherhood in Africa is being
restored by the resurrection of national sovereignty and independence, of
equality and the dignity of man.
It should not be difficult
for you here in Europe to appreciate this. Your continent passed through a
longer series of revolutionary upheavals, in which your age of feudal
backwardness gave way to the new age of industrialisation, true nationhood,
democracy and rising living standards - the golden age for which men have
striven for generations. Your age of revolution, stretching across all the
years from the 18th Century to our own, encompassed some of the bloodiest civil
wars in all history. By comparison, the African revolution has swept across
three quarters of the continent in less than a decade; its final completion is
within sight of our own generation. Again, by comparison with Europe, our
African revolution - to our credit, is proving to be orderly, quick and
comparatively bloodless.
This fact of the relative
peacefulness of our African revolution is attested to by other observers of
eminence. Professor C.W. de Kiewiet, President of the Rochester University USA,
in a Hoernle Memorial Lecture for 1960, has this to say: "There has, it is
true, been almost no serious violence in the achievement of political
self-rule. In that sense there is no revolution in Africa - only
reform..."
Professor DV Cowen, then
Professor of Comparative Law at the University of Cape Town, South Africa, in a
Hoernle Memorial Lecture for 1961, throws light on the nature of our struggle
in the following words: "They (the Whites in South Africa) are, again,
fortunate in the very high moral calibre of the non-White inhabitants of South
Africa, who compare favourably with any on the whole continent." Let this
never be forgotten by those who so eagerly point a finger of scorn at Africa.
Perhaps by your standards,
our surge to revolutionary reforms is late. If it is so - if we are late in
joining the modern age of social enlightenment, late in gaining self-rule,
independence and democracy, it is because in the past the pace has not been set
by us. Europe set the pattern for the 19th and 20th Century development of
Africa. Only now is our continent coming into its own and recapturing its own
fate from foreign rule.
Though I
speak of Africa as a single entity, it is divided in many ways - by race,
language, history and custom; by political, economic and ethnic frontiers. But
in truth, despite these multiple divisions, Africa has a single common purpose
and a single goal - the achievement of its own independence. All Africa, both
lands which have won their political victories, but have still to overcome the
legacy of economic backwardness, and lands like my own whose political battles
have still to be waged to their conclusion - all Africa has this single aim;
our goal is a united Africa in which the standards of life and liberty are
constantly expanding; in which the ancient legacy of illiteracy and disease is
swept aside, in which the dignity of man is rescued from beneath the heels of
colonialism which have trampled it. This goal, pursued by millions of our
people with revolutionary zeal, by means of books, representations,
demonstrations, and in some places armed force provoked by the adamancy of
white rule, carries the only real promise of peace in Africa. Whatever means
have been used, the efforts have gone to end alien rule and race oppression.
There is a
paradox in the fact that Africa qualifies for such an Award in its age of
turmoil and revolution. How great is the paradox and how much greater the
honour that an Award in support of peace and the brotherhood of man should come
to one who is a citizen of a country where the brotherhood of man is an illegal
doctrine, outlawed, banned, censured, proscribed and prohibited; where to work,
talk or campaign for the realization in fact and deed of the brotherhood of man
is hazardous, punished with banishment, or confinement without trial, or
imprisonment; where effective democratic channels to peaceful settlement of the
race problem have never existed these 300 years; and where white minority power
rests on the most heavily armed and equipped military machine in Africa. This
is South Africa.
Even here, where white rule
seems determined not to change its mind for the better, the spirit of Africa's
militant struggle for liberty, equality and independence asserts itself. I,
together with thousands of my countrymen, have in the course of the struggle
for these ideals, been harassed, and imprisoned, but we are not deterred in our
quest for a new age in which we shall live in peace and in brotherhood.
It is not
necessary for me to speak at length about South Africa; its social system, its
politics, its economics and its laws have forced themselves on the attention of
the world. It is a museum piece in our time, a hangover from the dark past of
mankind, a relic of an age which everywhere else is dead or dying. Here the
cult of race superiority and of white supremacy is worshipped like a god. Few
white people escape corruption and many of their children learn to believe that
white men are unquestionably superior, efficient clever, industrious and
capable; that black men are, equally unquestionably, inferior, slothful,
stupid, evil and clumsy. On the basis of the mythology that "the lowest
amongst them is higher than the highest amongst us," it is claimed that
white men build everything that is worthwhile in the country; its cities, its
industries, its mines and its agriculture, and that they alone are thus fitted
and entitled as of right to own and control these things, whilst black men are
only temporary sojourners in these cities, fitted only for menial labour, and
unfit to share political power. The Prime Minister of South Africa, Dr
Verwoerd, then Minister of Bantu Affairs, when explaining his government's
policy on African education had this to say: "There is no place for him
(the African) in the European community above the level of certain forms of
labour."
There is little new in this
mythology. Every part of Africa which has been subject to white conquest has,
at one time or another, and in one guise or another, suffered from it, even in
its virulent form of the slavery that obtained in Africa up to the 19th
Century.
The
mitigating feature in the gloom of those far-off days was the shaft of light
sunk by Christian missions, a shaft of light to which we owe our initial
enlightenment. With successive governments of the time doing little or nothing
to ameliorate the harrowing suffering of the black man at the hands of
slavedrivers, men like Dr David Livingstone and Dr John Philip and other
illustrious men of God stood for social justice in the face of overwhelming
odds. It is worth noting that the names I have referred to are still anathema
to some South Africans. Hence the ghost of slavery lingers on to this day in
the form of forced labour that goes on in what are called farm prisons. But the
tradition of Livingstone and Philip lives on, perpetuated by a few of their
line. It is fair to say that even in present day conditions, Christian missions
have been in the vanguard of initiating social services provided for us. Our
progress in this field has been in spite of, and not mainly because of the
government. In this the Church in South Africa - though belatedly, seems to be
awakening to a broader mission of the Church, in its ministry among us. It is
beginning to take seriously the words of its Founder who said "I came that
they might have life and have it more abundantly."
This is a call to the
Church in South Africa to help in the all-round development of MAN in the
present, and not only in the hereafter. In this regard, the people of South
Africa, especially those who claim to be Christians, would be well advised to
take heed of the Conference decisions of the World Council of Churches held at
Cottesloe, Johannesburg, in 1960, which gave a clear lead on the mission of the
Church in our day. It left no room for doubt about the relevancy of the
Christian message in the present issues that confront mankind. I note with
gratitude this broader outlook of the World Council of Churches. It has a great
meaning and significance for us in Africa.
There is
nothing new in South Africa's apartheid ideas, but South Africa is unique in
this: the ideas not only survive in our modern age, but are stubbornly
defended, extended and bolstered up by legislation at the time when in the
major part of the world they are now largely historical and are either being
shamefacedly hidden behind concealing formulations, or are being steadily
scrapped. These ideas survive in South Africa because those who sponsor them
profit from them. They provide moral whitewash for the conditions which exist
in the country: for the fact that the country is ruled exclusively by a white
government elected by an exclusively white electorate which is a privileged
minority; for the fact that 87 per cent of the land and all the best
agricultural land within reach of town, market and railways is reserved for
white ownership and occupation and now through the recent Group Areas
legislation non-Whites are losing more land to white greed; for the fact that
all skilled and highly-paid jobs are for whites only; for the fact that all
universities of any academic merit are an exclusive preserve of whites; for the
fact that the education of every white child costs about f64 p.a. whilst that
of an African child costs about ú9 p.a. and that of an Indian child or Coloured
child costs about f20 p.a.; for the fact that white education is universal and
compulsory up to the age of 16, whilst education for the non-white children is
scarce and inadequate, and for the fact that almost one million Africans a year
are arrested and gaoled or fined for breaches of innumerable pass and permit
laws which do not apply to whites.
I could carry on in this
strain, and talk on every facet of South African life from the cradle to the
grave. But these facts today are becoming known to all the world. A fierce
spotlight of world attention has been thrown on them. Try as our government and
its apologists will, with honeyed words about "separate development"
and eventual "independence" in so-called "Bantu homelands",
nothing can conceal the reality of South African conditions.
I, as a Christian, have
always felt that there is one thing above all about "apartheid" or
"separate development" that is unforgivable. It seems utterly
indifferent to the suffering of individual persons, who lose their land, their
homes, their jobs, in the pursuit of what is surely the most terrible dream in
the world. This terrible dream is not held on to by a crackpot group on the
fringe of society, or by Ku- Klux-Klansmen, of whom we have a sprinkling. It is
the deliberate policy of a government, supported actively by a large part of
the white population, and tolerated passively by an overwhelming white
majority, but now fortunately rejected by an encouraging white minority who
have thrown their lot with non-whites who are overwhelmingly opposed to
so-called separate development.
Thus it is that the golden
age of Africa's independence is also the dark age of South Africa's decline and
retrogression, brought about by men who, when revolutionary changes that
entrenched fundamental human rights were taking place in Europe, were closed in
on the tip of South Africa - and so missed the wind of progressive change.
In the wake of that decline
and retrogression, bitterness between men grows to alarming heights; the
economy declines as confidence ebbs away; unemployment rises; government
becomes increasingly dictatorial and intolerant of constitutional and legal procedures,
increasingly violent and suppressive; there is a constant drive for more
policemen, more soldiers, more armaments, banishments without trial and penal
whippings. All the trappings of medieval backwardness and cruelty come to the
fore. Education is reduced to an instrument of subtle indoctrination, slanted
and biased reporting in the organs of public information, a creeping
censorship, book-banning and black-listing - all these spread their shadows
over the land. This is South Africa today, in the age of Africa's greatness.
But beneath
the surface there is a spirit of defiance. The people of South Africa have
never been a docile lot, least of all the African people. We have a long
tradition of struggle for our national rights, reaching back to the very
beginnings of white settlement and conquest 300 years ago.
Our history is one of
opposition to domination, of protest and refusal to submit to tyranny. Consider
some of our great names; the great warrior and nation builder Shaka, who welded
tribes together into the Zulu nation from which I spring; Moshoeshoe, the
statesman and nation-builder who fathered the Basuto nation and placed
Basutoland beyond the reach of the claws of the South African whites; Hintsa of
the Xhosas who chose death rather than surrender his territory to white
invaders. All these and other royal names, as well as other great chieftains,
resisted manfully white intrusion.
Consider also the
sturdiness of the stock that nurtured the foregoing great names. I refer to our
forbears, who in the trekking from the north to the southernmost tip of Africa
centuries ago braved rivers that are perennially swollen; hacked their way
through treacherous jungle and forest; survived the plagues of the then untamed
lethal diseases of a multifarious nature that abounded in Equatorial Africa and
wrested themselves from the gaping mouths of the beasts of prey. They endured
it all. They settled in these parts of Africa to build a future worth while for
us their offspring. Whilst the social and political conditions have changed and
the problems we face are different, we too, their progeny, find ourselves
facing a situation where we have to struggle for our very survival as human
beings. Although methods of struggle may differ from time to time, the
universal human strivings for liberty remain unchanged. We in our situation
have chosen the path of non-violence of our own volition. Along this path we
have organised many heroic campaigns. All the strength of progressive
leadership in South Africa, all my life and strength has been given to the
pursuance of this method, in an attempt to avert disaster in the interests of
South Africa, and have bravely paid the penalties for it.
It may well
be that South Africa's social system is a monument to racialism and race
oppression, but its people are the living testimony to the unconquerable spirit
of mankind. Down the years, against seemingly overwhelming odds, they have
sought the goal of fuller life and liberty, striving with incredible
determination and fortitude for the right to live as men - free men.
In this, our country is not
unique. Your recent and inspiring history, when the Axis Powers over-ran most
European States, is testimony of this unconquerable spirit of mankind. People
of Europe formed Resistance Movement that finally helped to break the power of
the combination of Nazism and Fascism with their creed of race arrogance and
herrenvolk mentality.
Every people have, at one
time or another in their history, been plunged into such struggle. But
generally the passing of time has seen the barriers to freedom going down, one
by one. Not so in South Africa. Here the barriers do not go down. Each step we
take forward, every achievement we chalk up, is cancelled out by the raising of
new and higher barriers to our advance. The colour bars do not get weaker; they
get stronger. The bitterness of the struggle mounts as liberty comes step by
step closer to the freedom fighter's grasp. All too often, the protests and
demonstrations of our people have been beaten back by force; but they have
never been silenced.
Through all this cruel
treatment in the name of law and order, our people, with a few exceptions, have
remained non-violent. If today this peace Award is given to South Africa
through a black man, it is not because we in South Africa have won our fight
for peace and human brotherhood. Far from it. Perhaps we stand farther from
victory than any other people in Africa. But nothing which we have suffered at
the hands of the government has turned us from our chosen path of disciplined
resistance. It is for this, I believe, that this Award is given.
How easy it
would have been in South Africa for the natural feelings of resentment at white
domination to have been turned into feelings of hatred and a desire for revenge
against the white community. Here, where every day in every aspect of life,
every non-white comes up against the ubiquitous sign, "Europeans
Only," and the equally ubiquitous policeman to enforce it - here it could
well be expected that a racialism equal to that of their oppressors would
flourish to counter the white arrogance towards blacks. That it has not done so
is no accident. It is because, deliberately and advisedly, African leadership
for the past 50 years, with the inspiration of the African National Congress
which I had the honour to lead for the last decade or so until it was banned,
had set itself steadfastly against racial vain-gloriousness.
We knew that in so doing we
passed up opportunities for easy demagogic appeal to the natural passions of a
people denied freedom and liberty; we discarded the chance of an easy and
expedient emotional appeal. Our vision has always been that of a non-racial democratic
South Africa which upholds the rights of all who live in our country to remain
there as full citizens with equal rights and responsibilities with all others. For
the consummation of this ideal we have laboured unflinchingly. We shall
continue to labour unflinchingly.
It is this vision which
prompted the African National Congress to invite members of other racial groups
who believe with us in the brotherhood of man and in the freedom of all people
to join with us in establishing a non-racial democratic Congress Alliance and
welcomed the emergence of the Liberal Party and the Progressive Party, who to
an encouraging measure support these ideals.
The true
patriots of South Africa, for whom I speak, will be satisfied with nothing less
than the fullest democratic rights. In government we will not be satisfied with
anything less than direct individual adult suffrage and the right to stand for
and be elected to all organs of government. In economic matters we will be
satisfied with nothing less than equality of opportunity in every sphere, and
the enjoyment by all of those heritages which form the resources of the country
which up to now have been appropriated on a racial "whites only"
basis. In culture we will be satisfied with nothing less than the opening of
all doors of learning to non-segregatory institutions on the sole criterion of
ability. In the social sphere we will be satisfied with nothing less than the
abolition of all racial bars.
We do not demand these
things for people of African descent alone. We demand them for all South
Africa's, white and black. On these principles we are uncompromising. To
compromise would be an expediency that is most treacherous to democracy, for in
the turn of events the sweets of economic, political and social privileges that
are a monopoly of only one section of a community turn sour even in the mouths
of those who eat them. Thus apartheid in practice is proving to be a monster
created by Frankenstein. That is the tragedy of the South African scene.
Many spurious slogans have
been invented in our country in an effort to redeem uneasy race relations -
"trusteeship," "separate development," "race
federation" and elsewhere "partnership". These are efforts to
side-track us from the democratic road, mean delaying tactics that fool no one
but the unwary. No euphemistic naming will ever hide their hideous nature. We
reject these policies because they do not measure up to the best mankind has
striven for throughout the ages; they do great offence to man's sublime
aspirations that have remained true in a sea of flux and change down the ages,
aspirations of which the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights is a
culmination. This is what we stand for. This is what we fight for.
In their
fight for lasting values, there are many things that have sustained the spirit
of the freedom-loving people of South Africa and those in the yet unredeemed
parts of Africa where the white man claims resolutely proprietary rights over
democracy - a universal heritage. High amongst them - the things that have
sustained us, stand the magnificent support of the progressive people and
governments throughout the world, amongst whom number the people and government
of the country of which I am today guest; our brothers in Africa; especially in
the Independent African States; organizations who share the outlook we embrace
in countries scattered right across the face of the globe; the United Nations
Organization jointly and some of its member-nations singly. In their defence of
peace in the world through actively upholding the quality of man all these
groups have reinforced our undying faith in the unassailable rightness and
justness of our cause. To all of them I say: Alone we would have been weak. Our
heartfelt appreciation of your acts of support of us, we cannot adequately
express, nor can we ever forget; now or in the future when victory is behind
us, and South Africa's freedom rests in the hands of all her people.
We South
Africans, however, equally understand that much as others might do for us, our
freedom cannot come to us as a gift from abroad. Our freedom we must make
ourselves. All honest freedom-loving people have dedicated themselves to that
task. What we need is the courage that rises with danger.
Whatever may be the future
of our freedom efforts, our cause is the cause of the liberation of people who
are denied freedom. Only on this basis can the peace of Africa and the world be
firmly founded. Our cause is the cause of equality between nations and people. Only
thus can the brotherhood of man be firmly established. It is encouraging and
elating to remind you that despite her humiliation and torment at the hands of
white rule, the spirit of Africa in quest for freedom has been, generally, for
peaceful means to the utmost.
If I have dwelt at length
on my country's race problem, it is not as though other countries on our
continent do not labour under these problems, but because it is here in the
Republic of South Africa that the race problem is most acute. Perhaps in no
other country on the continent is white supremacy asserted with greater vigour
and determination and a sense of righteousness. This places the opponents of
apartheid in the front rank of those who fight white domination.
In bringing
my address to a close, let me invite Africa to cast her eyes beyond the past
and to some extent the present with their woes and tribulations, trials and
failures, and some successes, and see herself an emerging continent, bursting
to freedom through the shell of centuries of serfdom. This is Africa's age -
the dawn of her fulfilment, yes, the moment when she must grapple with destiny
to reach the summits of sublimity saying - ours was a fight for noble values
and worthy ends, and not for lands and the enslavement of man. Africa is a
vital subject matter in the world of today, a focal point of world interest and
concern. Could it not be that history has delayed her rebirth for a purpose? The
situation confronts her with inescapable challenges, but more importantly with
opportunities for service to herself and mankind. She evades the challenges and
neglects the opportunities to her shame, if not her doom. How she sees her
destiny is a more vital and rewarding quest than bemoaning her past with its
humiliations and sufferings.
The address could do no
more than pose some questions and leave it to the African leaders and people to
provide satisfying answers and responses by their concern for higher values and
by their noble actions that could be
"...footprints on the sands of time;
Footprints, that perhaps another,
Sailing o'er life's solemn main,
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
Seeing, shall take heart again."
Still
licking the scars of past wrongs perpetrated on her, could she not be
magnanimous and practise no revenge? Her hand of friendship scornfully
rejected, her pleas for justice and fair-play spurned, should she not
nonetheless seek to turn enmity into amity? Though robbed of her lands, her
independence and opportunities - this, oddly enough, often in the name of
civilization and even Christianity, should she not see her destiny as being
that of making a distinctive contribution to human progress and human
relationships with a peculiar new African flavour enriched by the diversity of
cultures she enjoys, thus building on the summits of present human achievement
an edifice that would be one of the finest tributes to the genius of man? She
should see this hour of her fulfilment as a challenge to her to labour on until
she is purged of racial domination, and as an opportunity of reassuring the
world that her national aspiration lies, not in overthrowing white domination
to replace it by a black caste, but in building a non-racial democracy that
shall be a monumental brotherhood, a "brotherly community" with none
discriminated against on grounds of race or colour.
What of the many pressing
and complex political, economic and cultural problems attendant upon the early
years of a newly-independent State? These, and others which are the legacy of
colonial days, will tax to the limit the statesmanship, ingenuity, altruism and
steadfastness of African leadership and its unbending avowal to democratic
tenets in statecraft. To us all, free or not free, the call of the hour is to
redeem the name and honour of Mother Africa.
In a strife-torn world,
tottering on the brink of complete destruction by man-made weapons, a free and
independent Africa is in the making, in answer to the injunction and challenge
of history: "Arise and shine for thy light is come."
Acting in concert with
other nations, she is man's last hope for a mediator between the East and West,
and is qualified to demand of the great powers to "turn the swords into
plough-shares" because two-thirds of mankind is hungry and illiterate; to
engage human energy, human skill and human talent in the service of peace, for
the alternative is unthinkable - war, destruction and desolation; and to build
a world community which will stand as a lasting monument to the millions of men
and women, to such devoted and distinguished world citizens and fighters for
peace as the late Dag Hammarskjold, who have given their lives that we may live
in happiness and peace.
Africa's qualification for
this noble task is incontestable, for her own fight has never been and is not
now a fight for conquest of land, for accumulation of wealth or domination of
peoples, but for the recognition and preservation of the rights of man and the
establishment of a truly free world for a free people.